American Civilization
By: Enoch Zenger
Dr. Hebertson MWF 11:00 a.m.
American History 1700
April 16, 2011
Dr. Hebertson MWF 11:00 a.m.
American History 1700
April 16, 2011
Three Events of Significance in American History
The Civil Rights Act of 1866
Slavery and racism are among the most abominable mistakes that stain our nation’s history. Abraham Lincoln was most famously known for his unprecedented fight against slavery. President Lincoln was the ultimate figure head of leadership during this controversial time, during which the Civil War raged on. Lincoln suggested that, “The Almighty had imposed this terrible war on the nation as punishment for the evils of slavery” (See footnote 1 at end of document). Seeking equality and fair treatment for Blacks, Lincoln is quoted to say on the matter of dissolving slavery in his 1864, Second Inaugural Address, “With malice toward none; with charity toward all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in…” (2). This strong declaration of impartiality toward race or color would sadly be among the last words uttered by the iconic President. With Lincoln’s assassination, a new President stepped into the spotlight; Andrew Johnson. President Johnson was known for his vehement hatred towards the idea of favoring Blacks with rights. Johnson furiously raged, “This is a country for white men, and by God, as long as I am president, it shall be a government for white men” (3). Andrew would make it a goal during this time he deemed as a “reconstruction” for the nation, to make sure that no rights were given to Blacks.
In 1866 the Freedman’s Bureau, a political group established to argue for the rights of slaves and Blacks, brought a bill before the President that would guarantee rights to blacks. Johnson quickly vetoed the bill saying that it was an, “immense patronage…showering benefits on blacks that were never granted to our own people” (4). However, despite his opposition and veto, Republicans received the necessary two-thirds majority vote to override the veto, and subsequently enacted the Civil Rights Act.
This struck a huge blow to the 1857 Dred Scott Decision, in which the Supreme Court stated that no Blacks who were of the decent of former slaves could ever be citizens of the United States. With the overturning of 1857 verdict, concerns about the constitutionality of the Civil Rights Act arose. In response, to silence these doubts, Congress ratified in 1868 the Fourteenth Amendment: therewith defining citizenship and basic rights for African Americans.
Equality among all races, nationalities, languages and peoples is something that I felt was clearly outlined in the Preamble of our Constitution, which came into existence over a century earlier. “We believe that all men are created equal…and endowed with certain inalienable rights; among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” To vandalize these ideals with slavery and maltreatment of Blacks was to directly label ourselves as criminals and liars. We had broken our vow to grant all peoples with liberty, equality, and impartial opportunity. The Civil Rights Act began a path of repentance for our nation: something long overdue. And although the ensuing century elapsed with difficulty, filled with additional revisions and ratifications, followed by recalls and repeals, riots and severe opposition, “Klans” of supremacy, and further equal rights demonstrations and movements, rightful action for the fair treatment of African Americans had begun. I close with the opening lines of the Civil Rights Act:
“An Act to protect all Persons in the United States in their Civil Rights, and furnish the Means of their Vindication. Be it enacted, That all persons born in the United States… are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens, of every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude…shall have the same right, in every State and Territory in the United States… as is enjoyed by white citizens” (5).
I echo the truth that we carry around in our pockets everyday: e Pluribus Unum, out of many (colors, races, nationalities, languages, and backgrounds) WE ARE ONE.
Slavery and racism are among the most abominable mistakes that stain our nation’s history. Abraham Lincoln was most famously known for his unprecedented fight against slavery. President Lincoln was the ultimate figure head of leadership during this controversial time, during which the Civil War raged on. Lincoln suggested that, “The Almighty had imposed this terrible war on the nation as punishment for the evils of slavery” (See footnote 1 at end of document). Seeking equality and fair treatment for Blacks, Lincoln is quoted to say on the matter of dissolving slavery in his 1864, Second Inaugural Address, “With malice toward none; with charity toward all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in…” (2). This strong declaration of impartiality toward race or color would sadly be among the last words uttered by the iconic President. With Lincoln’s assassination, a new President stepped into the spotlight; Andrew Johnson. President Johnson was known for his vehement hatred towards the idea of favoring Blacks with rights. Johnson furiously raged, “This is a country for white men, and by God, as long as I am president, it shall be a government for white men” (3). Andrew would make it a goal during this time he deemed as a “reconstruction” for the nation, to make sure that no rights were given to Blacks.
In 1866 the Freedman’s Bureau, a political group established to argue for the rights of slaves and Blacks, brought a bill before the President that would guarantee rights to blacks. Johnson quickly vetoed the bill saying that it was an, “immense patronage…showering benefits on blacks that were never granted to our own people” (4). However, despite his opposition and veto, Republicans received the necessary two-thirds majority vote to override the veto, and subsequently enacted the Civil Rights Act.
This struck a huge blow to the 1857 Dred Scott Decision, in which the Supreme Court stated that no Blacks who were of the decent of former slaves could ever be citizens of the United States. With the overturning of 1857 verdict, concerns about the constitutionality of the Civil Rights Act arose. In response, to silence these doubts, Congress ratified in 1868 the Fourteenth Amendment: therewith defining citizenship and basic rights for African Americans.
Equality among all races, nationalities, languages and peoples is something that I felt was clearly outlined in the Preamble of our Constitution, which came into existence over a century earlier. “We believe that all men are created equal…and endowed with certain inalienable rights; among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” To vandalize these ideals with slavery and maltreatment of Blacks was to directly label ourselves as criminals and liars. We had broken our vow to grant all peoples with liberty, equality, and impartial opportunity. The Civil Rights Act began a path of repentance for our nation: something long overdue. And although the ensuing century elapsed with difficulty, filled with additional revisions and ratifications, followed by recalls and repeals, riots and severe opposition, “Klans” of supremacy, and further equal rights demonstrations and movements, rightful action for the fair treatment of African Americans had begun. I close with the opening lines of the Civil Rights Act:
“An Act to protect all Persons in the United States in their Civil Rights, and furnish the Means of their Vindication. Be it enacted, That all persons born in the United States… are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens, of every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude…shall have the same right, in every State and Territory in the United States… as is enjoyed by white citizens” (5).
I echo the truth that we carry around in our pockets everyday: e Pluribus Unum, out of many (colors, races, nationalities, languages, and backgrounds) WE ARE ONE.
Four Freedoms Speech
President Franklin D. Roosevelt left a legacy as one of the most stubborn yet resourceful leaders of this nation. His reputation for facing fear and war with immeasurable strength and composure has gone unprecedented. With an inevitable war looming on the horizon, this symbol of power, though paralyzed to a wheelchair, shook the world with a memorable and moving State of the Union message in 1941 that will stand for generations to come: the “Four Freedoms Speech.”
President Roosevelt begins his speech with a warning, “I address you…at a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the word “unprecedented”, because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today…” (6). Though he was alluding to physical danger, President Roosevelt wanted, furthermore, to notify us of a more deteriorating threat; a war against our values and ideals, a war against our freedoms. We know that in 1941 these beliefs were being assailed throughout the world, “either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord…” (7). President Roosevelt goes on to say, “In times like these it is immature and incidentally untrue for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world…” (8). It is essential and vital that all people everywhere be united as one race, the human race, and come together to fight for their freedoms.
Defending those freedoms does not come from weapons and strength of arms alone. Rather, we must have the stamina which comes from within, an undying faith, unshakable and immune to defeat, to fight for those freedoms in which we so strongly believe. We do so by paying it forward, by providing the same opportunities for all people. This is done when we promote democracy, contribute to the economy, and strive for liberty and freedom. In order to be victorious in such a quest, the world must realize we’re all entitled to four essential freedoms:
First, we all have the freedom of speech and expression. We all reserve the right to articulate our opinions and convey our beliefs. In so doing, we promote acceptance and respect of the values of others. We lend a helping hand to those who seek our same ideals. We uphold the principle of advancement, knowing that with determination and dedication, we can reach the pinnacle of human achievement; peace among all nations.
Second, we allow everyone to worship God according to the dictates of their own conscience. No one should be required to worship a figure, idol, statue, ideal or belief, to which they are not accustomed, do not feel comfortable or simply do not support. Forcing religion upon others sets the stage for war. We look at events like the Crusades, the Spanish Inquisition, and the Holocaust, where, tragic moments stemmed from contention and disagreement regarding beliefs, lifestyle, and values of religion. Therefore, it is apparent that such wars could have possibly been avoided had we endorsed religious tolerance.
Third, is the freedom from want, which, “translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peace time life for its inhabitants, everywhere in the world” (9). If we’re to live in a peaceful world, and have peaceful dealings with one another, there must be a universal understanding of charity. We should all retain the right to provide for each other, avoid poverty, seek jobs, and promote sharing between nations. When we do this, there will be no lacking, no needing, no wanting, because all of our desires will be met. If we can share, we are putting ourselves in a capable position to attain peace, and preserve it.
Last, the freedom from fear. Roosevelt defines this as a reduction in the amount of armaments, “in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor, anywhere in the world” (10). If none of us are capable to attack, there not need be fear of attack. To live in a peaceful world, we must rid the world of the potential to disturb that peace, war being the ultimate disruptor.
The “Four Freedoms Speech” teaches us a valuable lesson as human beings. In 1941 the world was in a state of confusion, distrust, and war. It is not much different today. The U.S. alone, which at that time evaded war at all costs, now finds herself enveloped in a plethora of wars. We are involved in every international political, religious, or civil upheaval. How are we then, I ask, to achieve this peace as was sought by President Roosevelt, and millions of others throughout the world, when we are integrating and inserting ourselves into conflicts which promote friction, therefore intensifying the amount of dissension among nations? We must focus our attention upon these four freedoms. We must strive to encourage unity among the human race, and discontinue our prejudice and often unfounded condemnations. We must be the example. America stands as the beacon of light to the world on how to be. How, then, should we be?
President Franklin D. Roosevelt left a legacy as one of the most stubborn yet resourceful leaders of this nation. His reputation for facing fear and war with immeasurable strength and composure has gone unprecedented. With an inevitable war looming on the horizon, this symbol of power, though paralyzed to a wheelchair, shook the world with a memorable and moving State of the Union message in 1941 that will stand for generations to come: the “Four Freedoms Speech.”
President Roosevelt begins his speech with a warning, “I address you…at a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the word “unprecedented”, because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today…” (6). Though he was alluding to physical danger, President Roosevelt wanted, furthermore, to notify us of a more deteriorating threat; a war against our values and ideals, a war against our freedoms. We know that in 1941 these beliefs were being assailed throughout the world, “either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord…” (7). President Roosevelt goes on to say, “In times like these it is immature and incidentally untrue for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world…” (8). It is essential and vital that all people everywhere be united as one race, the human race, and come together to fight for their freedoms.
Defending those freedoms does not come from weapons and strength of arms alone. Rather, we must have the stamina which comes from within, an undying faith, unshakable and immune to defeat, to fight for those freedoms in which we so strongly believe. We do so by paying it forward, by providing the same opportunities for all people. This is done when we promote democracy, contribute to the economy, and strive for liberty and freedom. In order to be victorious in such a quest, the world must realize we’re all entitled to four essential freedoms:
First, we all have the freedom of speech and expression. We all reserve the right to articulate our opinions and convey our beliefs. In so doing, we promote acceptance and respect of the values of others. We lend a helping hand to those who seek our same ideals. We uphold the principle of advancement, knowing that with determination and dedication, we can reach the pinnacle of human achievement; peace among all nations.
Second, we allow everyone to worship God according to the dictates of their own conscience. No one should be required to worship a figure, idol, statue, ideal or belief, to which they are not accustomed, do not feel comfortable or simply do not support. Forcing religion upon others sets the stage for war. We look at events like the Crusades, the Spanish Inquisition, and the Holocaust, where, tragic moments stemmed from contention and disagreement regarding beliefs, lifestyle, and values of religion. Therefore, it is apparent that such wars could have possibly been avoided had we endorsed religious tolerance.
Third, is the freedom from want, which, “translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peace time life for its inhabitants, everywhere in the world” (9). If we’re to live in a peaceful world, and have peaceful dealings with one another, there must be a universal understanding of charity. We should all retain the right to provide for each other, avoid poverty, seek jobs, and promote sharing between nations. When we do this, there will be no lacking, no needing, no wanting, because all of our desires will be met. If we can share, we are putting ourselves in a capable position to attain peace, and preserve it.
Last, the freedom from fear. Roosevelt defines this as a reduction in the amount of armaments, “in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor, anywhere in the world” (10). If none of us are capable to attack, there not need be fear of attack. To live in a peaceful world, we must rid the world of the potential to disturb that peace, war being the ultimate disruptor.
The “Four Freedoms Speech” teaches us a valuable lesson as human beings. In 1941 the world was in a state of confusion, distrust, and war. It is not much different today. The U.S. alone, which at that time evaded war at all costs, now finds herself enveloped in a plethora of wars. We are involved in every international political, religious, or civil upheaval. How are we then, I ask, to achieve this peace as was sought by President Roosevelt, and millions of others throughout the world, when we are integrating and inserting ourselves into conflicts which promote friction, therefore intensifying the amount of dissension among nations? We must focus our attention upon these four freedoms. We must strive to encourage unity among the human race, and discontinue our prejudice and often unfounded condemnations. We must be the example. America stands as the beacon of light to the world on how to be. How, then, should we be?
John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address of 1961
Only two decades later do we find ourselves at the end of a devastating second world war, and a controversial Cold War. With the farewell address of President Eisenhower, we welcomed the Inaugural Address of the newly elected President; John F. Kennedy. The young leader promoted above all else, liberty. He proclaims, “For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath…to abolish all forms of human poverty (and promote liberty)” (11).
We shall as a nation, Kennedy asserts, bear all burdens, meet all hardships, be there for any friend, fight against any foe, and “assure the survival and the success of liberty” (12). This he pledges to the world, publicly calling out for unity. “United, there is little we cannot do…Divided, there is little we can do” (13). For if we are to do something as substantial as change the world for the better and grant liberty to all people, the world must join the endeavor. If all fight against us, we cannot help them. Opposing forces never come to an agreement or ends. Yet if we are opposed, we shall nevertheless seek to help all others became able to help themselves. Not because we seek monetary compensation or desire to be recognized of the world, rather, because we simply know it to be the right and humane thing to do.
President Kennedy closes with a magnificent plea, “to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer…a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace” (14), for if we don’t reach an accord for peace, Kennedy goes on to discuss, than the, “dark powers of destruction unleashed by science (shall) engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction” (15). If the world continues the war path she is on, she will find herself falling, helplessly, into an abyss in which we shall be buried and doomed to eternal despair.
It seems to me as though the universal wish for “world peace” is becoming ever more hopeless. We wallow in our own self-pity, we argue ceaselessly, we revile nations, we point the finger, we complain, we condemn, we lie and steal….and the list goes on and on. Are our dreams unrealistic? Or are they practical, yet at this point likely unattainable because of our ineptitude to rise above mediocrity, and reach for the summit of peace? Greed and pride are our ultimate stumbling blocks along this hike to humanity, sending us stumbling time and time again into the bloody trenches of inhumanity.
Only two decades later do we find ourselves at the end of a devastating second world war, and a controversial Cold War. With the farewell address of President Eisenhower, we welcomed the Inaugural Address of the newly elected President; John F. Kennedy. The young leader promoted above all else, liberty. He proclaims, “For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath…to abolish all forms of human poverty (and promote liberty)” (11).
We shall as a nation, Kennedy asserts, bear all burdens, meet all hardships, be there for any friend, fight against any foe, and “assure the survival and the success of liberty” (12). This he pledges to the world, publicly calling out for unity. “United, there is little we cannot do…Divided, there is little we can do” (13). For if we are to do something as substantial as change the world for the better and grant liberty to all people, the world must join the endeavor. If all fight against us, we cannot help them. Opposing forces never come to an agreement or ends. Yet if we are opposed, we shall nevertheless seek to help all others became able to help themselves. Not because we seek monetary compensation or desire to be recognized of the world, rather, because we simply know it to be the right and humane thing to do.
President Kennedy closes with a magnificent plea, “to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer…a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace” (14), for if we don’t reach an accord for peace, Kennedy goes on to discuss, than the, “dark powers of destruction unleashed by science (shall) engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction” (15). If the world continues the war path she is on, she will find herself falling, helplessly, into an abyss in which we shall be buried and doomed to eternal despair.
It seems to me as though the universal wish for “world peace” is becoming ever more hopeless. We wallow in our own self-pity, we argue ceaselessly, we revile nations, we point the finger, we complain, we condemn, we lie and steal….and the list goes on and on. Are our dreams unrealistic? Or are they practical, yet at this point likely unattainable because of our ineptitude to rise above mediocrity, and reach for the summit of peace? Greed and pride are our ultimate stumbling blocks along this hike to humanity, sending us stumbling time and time again into the bloody trenches of inhumanity.
Works cited:
Figure 1: http://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://www.glogster.com/media/5/25/22/48/25224832.jpg&imgrefurl=http://themeowcats.glogster.com/freedmensbureau/&usg=__xRgvXGC48CB32D2osRr4cCFMfo=&h=485&w=600&sz=217&hl=en&&zoom=1&tbnid=EKdwCNgf0VC9M:&tbnh=142&tbnw=176&ei=csirTa6HpT6swPIy5mpCQ&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dfreedmen%2527s%2Bbureau%26hl%3Den%26biw%3D1280%26bih%3D806%26gbv%3D2%26tbm%3Disch&itbs=1&iact=hc&vpx=429&vpy=128&dur=4092&hovh=202&hovw=250&tx=134&ty=115&oei=csirTa6HpT6swPIy5mpCQ&page=1&ndsp=24&ved=1t:429,r:2,s:0
Figure 2:http://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://newsroommagazine.com/Pix/Political/FDR%2520state%2520of%2520union.jpg&imgrefr l=http://newsroommagazine.com/2008/10/03/&usg=__yNwPHXZ_ItSzdr7cTUrFBMAcYfA=&h=400&w=316&sz=32&hl=en&&zoom=1&tbnid=c5ab0526KrxeQM:&tbnh=155&tbnw=142&ei=J8mrTbCwKIeosAOGuOmTCQ&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dpresident%2Bfranklin%2Bd%2Broosevelt%26hl%3Den%26biw%3D1280%26bih%3D806%26gbv%3D2%26tbm%3Disch&itbs=1&iact=rc&dur=1101&oei=J8mrTbCwKIeosAOGuOmTCQ&page=1&ndsp=26&ved=1t:429,r:8,s:0&tx=88&ty=94
Figure 3: http://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://2.bp.blogspot.com/1G514Wz9NA/TVTUxvYVc8I/AAAAAAAAA9g/hdw54_v7qdY/s1600/President%2BJohn%2BF.Kennedy.jpg&imgrefurl=http://thiiran-muru-arul.blogspot.com/2011/02/lets-learn-from-presidentjohnf.html&usg=__zySoburv_I_cnUfYF7o5QnbKRU=&h=400&w=600&sz=49&hl=en&&zoom=1&tbnid=h4_copgh5TcnOM:&tbnh=144&tbnw=191&ei=hMmrTZ2eD4j2swOXjrirCQ&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dpresident%2Bjohn%2Bf%2Bkennedy%26hl%3Den%26biw%3D1280%26bih%3D806%26gbv% 3D2%26tbm%3Disch&itbs=1&iact=rc&dur=354&oei=hMmrTZ2eD4j2swOXjrirCQ&page=1&ndsp=28&ved=1t:429,r:7,s:0&tx=112&ty=74prev=
Melvin Yazawa. “Documents to Accompany America’s History”. Civil Rights Act of 1866: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 1: to 1877. (15-5, 390-391). Print.
(1) Richardson, James D. Editorial. “A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1896-1899. 6:276ff. Print. 1865
(2) Melvin Yazawa. “Documents to Accompany America’s History” Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 1: to 1877. (14-13, 377-378). Print. Lincoln, Abraham. Second Inaugural Address. 1865. Oratory.
(3) Henretta, James A., and David Brody. “America: A Concise History” Fourth Edition. “Congress versus President” By James A. Henretta, and David Brody. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008. Fourth Edition. (445) Print.
(4) Henretta, James A., and David Brody. “America: A Concise History” Fourth Edition. “Congress versus President” By James A. Henretta, and David Brody. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008. Fourth Edition. (445) Print.
(5) Quoted from the First Paragraph of the Fourteenth Amendment as written by Melvin Yazawa. “Documents to Accompany America’s History”. Civil Rights Act of 1866: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 1: to 1877. (15-5, 390-391). Print.
Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 285-286). Print.
(6) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 285). Print.
(7) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 285). Print.
(8) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 285). Print.
(9) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 286). Print.
(10) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 286). Print.
Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of 1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.
(11) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of
1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition.
Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.
(12) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of
1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition.
Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.
(13) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of
1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition.
Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.
(14&15) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of
1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition.
Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.
Figure 1: http://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://www.glogster.com/media/5/25/22/48/25224832.jpg&imgrefurl=http://themeowcats.glogster.com/freedmensbureau/&usg=__xRgvXGC48CB32D2osRr4cCFMfo=&h=485&w=600&sz=217&hl=en&&zoom=1&tbnid=EKdwCNgf0VC9M:&tbnh=142&tbnw=176&ei=csirTa6HpT6swPIy5mpCQ&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dfreedmen%2527s%2Bbureau%26hl%3Den%26biw%3D1280%26bih%3D806%26gbv%3D2%26tbm%3Disch&itbs=1&iact=hc&vpx=429&vpy=128&dur=4092&hovh=202&hovw=250&tx=134&ty=115&oei=csirTa6HpT6swPIy5mpCQ&page=1&ndsp=24&ved=1t:429,r:2,s:0
Figure 2:http://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://newsroommagazine.com/Pix/Political/FDR%2520state%2520of%2520union.jpg&imgrefr l=http://newsroommagazine.com/2008/10/03/&usg=__yNwPHXZ_ItSzdr7cTUrFBMAcYfA=&h=400&w=316&sz=32&hl=en&&zoom=1&tbnid=c5ab0526KrxeQM:&tbnh=155&tbnw=142&ei=J8mrTbCwKIeosAOGuOmTCQ&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dpresident%2Bfranklin%2Bd%2Broosevelt%26hl%3Den%26biw%3D1280%26bih%3D806%26gbv%3D2%26tbm%3Disch&itbs=1&iact=rc&dur=1101&oei=J8mrTbCwKIeosAOGuOmTCQ&page=1&ndsp=26&ved=1t:429,r:8,s:0&tx=88&ty=94
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Melvin Yazawa. “Documents to Accompany America’s History”. Civil Rights Act of 1866: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 1: to 1877. (15-5, 390-391). Print.
(1) Richardson, James D. Editorial. “A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1896-1899. 6:276ff. Print. 1865
(2) Melvin Yazawa. “Documents to Accompany America’s History” Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 1: to 1877. (14-13, 377-378). Print. Lincoln, Abraham. Second Inaugural Address. 1865. Oratory.
(3) Henretta, James A., and David Brody. “America: A Concise History” Fourth Edition. “Congress versus President” By James A. Henretta, and David Brody. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008. Fourth Edition. (445) Print.
(4) Henretta, James A., and David Brody. “America: A Concise History” Fourth Edition. “Congress versus President” By James A. Henretta, and David Brody. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008. Fourth Edition. (445) Print.
(5) Quoted from the First Paragraph of the Fourteenth Amendment as written by Melvin Yazawa. “Documents to Accompany America’s History”. Civil Rights Act of 1866: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St. Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 1: to 1877. (15-5, 390-391). Print.
Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 285-286). Print.
(6) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 285). Print.
(7) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 285). Print.
(8) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 285). Print.
(9) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 286). Print.
(10) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms Speech of 1941: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (25-4, 286). Print.
Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of 1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition. Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.
(11) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of
1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition.
Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.
(12) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of
1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition.
Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.
(13) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of
1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition.
Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.
(14&15) Kevin J. Fernlund. “Documents to Accompany America’s History.” President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Speech of
1961: By James A. Henretta, David Brody, and Lynn Dumenil. Boston; Bedfort-St.Martin’s. 2008 Sixth Edition.
Volume 2: Since 1865. (28-2, 371). Print.